鍾翰林 Tony Chung
發表於 : 週四 12月 28, 2023 8:24 pm
Please scroll down to the English version
久別三年多，終於能夠親自發表自己的近況了。在發佈此文此文之際，我已安全抵達英國，並正式向入境人員申請政治庇護。
今年六月五日，我已正式從大欖懲教所刑滿獲釋，在牆外重獲自由，但一切卻只是要承受嚴密監控的開端。在預定䆁放日期前一個星期，我依然每天都在擔心國安人員會否以公務探訪名義，前來告知將會加控我什麼罪行。
最終他們如我預期出現了向我警告，以及質問我會否繼續「分裂國家」，並提醒我在未來一年內不要離境，並預告將會在我出獄後持續約見。
懲教處的保安組、更生事務組以及監督亦早在刑滿一個月前開始，多次強烈要求我不要對外公布䆁放日期，因此在六月五日當天，也只有少量人知悉我重獲自由的消息。
基於我判刑時未滿21歲，出獄後必須遵守懲教處監管令一年，一開始我的監管內容與一般人無異，必須就學或就業。獲䆁時剛好臨近暑假，所以我在暑假時覓得一份暑期工，卻在不久後被懲教處高層告知不容許我受僱於「特定店舖」（監管令條文並沒禁止），於是在暑假的最後一個月，我也只能夠無奈等待開學。他們的要求變相剝奪了我的財政自主權，並為國安處後來的金錢利誘舖墊。
其後我接到懲教電話，表示高層決定更改監管內容，需要與更生事務組更高級的職員會面。我被勒令簽署修訂版監管令，增加（一）禁止發佈任何我被定罪罪行相關內容的發佈物，包括公開發言和訪問、（二）禁止發佈任何「客觀而合理地被視作危害國家安全」的發佈物，以及（三）禁止公開發言。
國安人員從六月份開始，每隔兩至四星期便會要求見面，我從來沒有選擇的餘地，每次都被約到隨機地點，命令我登上拉上窗簾的七人車，然後把我載到未知的地方。每次約見他們都會要求我交代過去數週的行蹤，查問我與什麼人見面，即使是小學同學也要我交出中文全名，甚至連到過什麼食肆酒吧、過程中的交談內容也要詳盡告知。到我九月開學後，他們要求我將學生證交給他們拍攝，申請學生資助也需要向他們通知，並需要交出銀行戶口資料。若然不滿足他們的要求，便換來一輪訓話，告誡我他們已掌握我的所有行蹤，着我向他們坦白，實情要勒索我繼續就範。
在缺乏任何工作收入的這半年間，國安人員不斷威逼利誘我投向他們。以我猜測，他們透過我在銀行戶口的資料，得悉我的經濟狀況不佳，因此向我提出給予線人費，要求我提供他人的資料，並以此證明我已經改過自新，樂意投誠。
在九月初一個例行約談中，兩位國安人員向我提出到中國大陸「旅遊」，當時我極度警惕，擔心會被送中，但在過去的三個月，我根本無法拒絕他們任何事情，所以我只能迴避的反問他們：「我不可能申請到回鄉證吧？」他說只要我想的話他們便可以安排到，並會派人陪同我一同北上。我沉默不言，他們見狀問我有什麼需要考慮，我唯有如實告訴他們，我不想。他們遂質問我是否仍然有從事危害國家安全的活動所以遲疑，隨後他們要求我在下次見面時向他們給予回覆。幸好直至我離開香港前，他們都未有再次提出，但我心知這種要求在未來也只會接腫而來。
從十月起至今，我時不時便會無故生病，期間曾向西醫中醫求診，均診斷我是由於極大的精神壓力及心理因素，導致免疫力下降，並建議我長遠下去需尋求心理輔導。
2020年7月29日，我在元朗街頭突然被接近十名國安人員從後撲出制服我，並搶走我的電話。自刑滿獲釋以來，我每日都恐懼同樣的往事會否再次重演，我害怕走出家門，害怕在街上使用電話，擔心會再次在街上被國安人員拘捕。每次被國安人員約見，我都充滿恐懼，懼怕他們會說我危害國安，要求我自證清白。有時他們偶爾的斷聯，會令我更擔心他們是否已打算重新拘捕檢椌，故沒有再需要與我約談的必要。
但基於他們要求我簽署有關《國安法》第63條的文件當中，禁止我向任何人透露與他們的一切溝通內容，所以我亦根本無法尋求律師協助，亦不能向任何人透露我的困境。在如此龐大的壓力及恐懼下，我只能默默承受。
我曾幻想過國安人員會否信守承諾，在一年後的六月還我出入境的自由，不再干擾我的生活，但我心裡明暸這些都是虛假的承諾，他們更有可能打算拖延我至明年基本法23條立法後，繼續向我施加額外的罪名。經心思熟慮後，以調適情緒為由，說服懲教批准在聖誕期間離境旅遊。我選擇了符合經濟狀況且政治敏感度較低的沖繩為目的地，在起行數天前向他們提交機票住宿等資料，並成功獲懲教署批核。
在離開的最後一天，我仍深思這個決定是否適當，畢竟這個月在香港發生了很多事，但懲教罕有的批核，令我始終相信這已是最好的時機。當日我帶著僅餘的四萬港元前往香港機場，直至起飛前一秒，我都一直在擔心能否安全離境。到飛機起飛剎那，我才稍鬆一口氣。
但始終因行程及住宿細節已報備當局，我也未敢怠慢。在沖繩的幾天，我與英美加三地認識的相關人士及機構求助並共同商討，他們向我講述了當地的移民政策及政庇審核狀況，並提供有關英國庇護及簽證的法律建議。在得悉三地的資訊後，考慮到英國有更多我認識的抗爭者已獲批庇護，並且近日在對中國的立場上變得明確，我們最終一致認同循英國的政治庇護程序入境為最保險及適當的途徑。
於是當下我便趕在理應回港的限期前買了往英國的機票，並在當地時間12月27日晚上7時到達英國。這也意味着在可預見的將來，我也不可能再次回到香港這個家，縱然過去曾有預想過這天的到來，但在下定決心的當刻，我的心情還是一副沉重。自十四歲投身社會運動以來，我一直相信香港是我們香港民族唯一的家園，要走的從不應是我們。
在未來的日子，我將會繼續完成我的學業，望以流亡港人的身份為香港奉獻我的一切，如初地在力所能及的範圍內嘗試。我相信只有全體香港民族持續竭力，香 my港才會重新成為那個值得我們驕傲的家。我相信只有香港民族永不放棄，自由民主的種子終有一天能夠重新發芽，在未來的某一天，我們終會在煲底再聚。
鍾翰林
寫於往英國航班途中
2023年12月27日
After three years of absence in the public eye, I am finally able to share my experience personally. As I publish this statement, I have safely arrived in the United Kingdom and have formally applied for political asylum upon entry.
On 5th June this year, I was officially released from Tai Lam Correctional Institution after completing my sentence, regaining freedom outside the walls. However, this marks only the beginning of stringent surveillance. A week before the scheduled release, I lived with the constant worry that the National Security police might visit in the name of an official visit, informing me of additional charges.
Ultimately, as anticipated, they appeared to caution me and inquire whether I would continue to participate in events related to secession. They reminded me not to leave the country in the coming year and indicated regular meetings with them would take place after my release. A month before my planned release date, the Security Unit and Rehabilitation Unit of the Correctional Services Department (CSD) and the supervisors had already requested that I refrain from publicly disclosing the date of my release. Consequently, on the 5th June, only a handful of individuals were informed of my release.
As I was sentenced before turning 21, I am obligated to adhere to the CSD Supervision Services for one year post-release. Initially, the terms of my supervision were no different from those imposed on an average person: requiring me to pursue education or employment. As my release from jail was close to summer, I secured a temporary summer job during this period. However, shortly thereafter, the higher-ups at the CSD informed me that I was not allowed to be employed in "specific businesses", though such restriction was not stipulated in the Supervision Services terms. Consequently, in the last month of the summer holiday, I had no choice but to wait for the school year to commence. Their demands effectively stripped me of financial autonomy, paving the way for the financial inducements later offered by the National Security Department of the Hong Kong Police Force.
Then, I received a call from the CSD, notifying me of a decision to alter the terms under my Supervision Services, and that I needed to meet with the more senior staff from the Rehabilitation Unit. I was compelled to sign a revised Supervision order that has added the following terms: (1) prohibition on publishing any content related to my convicted offences, including through public statements and interviews; (2) a ban on disseminating any content deemed "objectively and reasonably considered as endangering national security"; and (3) prohibition on public speaking.
Starting from June, the national security police officers began requesting meetings every two to four weeks, leaving me with no option but to comply. Each meeting involved meeting at random locations, being ordered to board a seven-seater vehicle with closed curtains, and transported to unknown destinations. During these meetings, I was interrogated about my activities in the preceding weeks, asked about individuals I had met, required to provide full Chinese names even for primary school classmates, and detailed information about visits to restaurants or bars, along with the content of conversations.
Upon resuming my studies in September, they demanded to take a photo of my student ID, insisted on being notified of any applications for student financial aid, and required disclosure of bank account information. If I did not meet their demands, they would give me a round of lectures, warning me that they had already got hold of all my whereabouts, and wanted me to confess to them – a way to blackmail me into complying with their orders.
In the past six months with no income from any work, the national security police officers kept on coercing and inducing me to join them. My speculation is that they have learnt about my financial struggles through my bank account information, so they proposed providing informant fees, urging me to supply information about others as proof of my reformation and willingness to cooperate.
In a regular meeting with the National Security Department in early September, two national security police officers suggested a trip to Mainland China. I was very alert immediately, fearing extradition to China. Yet, over the past three months, I understand that I could not reject anything they proposed – so I avoided a direct response and asked instead, "It would not be possible for me to apply for a Home Return Permit (Mainland Travel Permit for Hong Kong and Macao Residents), right?" they assured me it could be arranged as long as I wished, with an accompanying party for the journey north. As I remained silent, they questioned what considerations I had, to which I truthfully responded that I did not want to go. They then inquired the reason for my hesitation was that I was still engaging in activities harmful to national security. Subsequently, they demanded a response at our next meeting. Fortunately, until my departure from Hong Kong, they did not bring up this request again. Yet, I am aware that such demands may resurface in the future.
From October onwards until the present day, I have intermittently fallen ill. During this period, I sought medical consultations from both Western and Chinese doctors, all of whom diagnosed my condition as a result of significant mental stress and psychological factors, leading to a weakened immune system. They recommended that I seek psychological counselling in the long run.
On July 29, 2020, I was suddenly approached by around 10 national security police officers in Yuen Long, who subdued me from behind and confiscated my phone. Since my release from imprisonment, I have lived in daily fear of a recurrence of similar incidents. I feared stepping out of my home, feared using the phone in public, and worried about the possibility of being detained again by national security police officers on the streets. Every meeting with the national security police officers filled me with dread, fearing that they may accuse me of endangering national security and would demand me to prove my innocence. Occasionally, their intermittent communication blackouts exacerbate my concerns, making me worry whether they are planning to arrest me again with new charges, hence eliminating the necessity for further meetings.
However, as they demanded me to sign a document related to Article 63 of the National Security Law, prohibiting me from disclosing any content of communication between us to anyone, I am neither able to seek legal assistance nor disclose my predicament to anyone. Under such immense pressure and fear, I can only silently endure.
I once fantasised that the national security police might uphold their promises and grant me the freedom to enter and exit Hong Kong in June 2024, ceasing interference in my life -- but I understand deep inside my heart that these are fake promises, and they are more likely to delay any resolution until after the enactment of Article 23 of the Basic Law next year, continuing to impose additional charges on me. After careful consideration, I persuaded the Correctional Services Department to allow me to leave the country for Christmas travel on the grounds of emotional adjustment. I chose Okinawa as the destination, considering the location is less politically sensitive and that it suited my financial situation. Days before the trip, I submitted my flight and accommodation details to them, successfully obtaining the approval from CSD.
On the day before my departure, I pondered deeply on whether this decision was appropriate, given a lot has happened in Hong Kong this month. However, the rare approval from the CSD convinced me that this was the best moment to leave. On that day, I departed for Hong Kong airport with only HKD 40,000, worrying until the last second before takeoff about whether I could safely leave. It was only at the moment of the plane's departure that I breathed a sigh of relief.
However, as the itinerary and accommodation details were reported to the authorities, I did not dare to be complacent. During my stay in Okinawa, I sought assistance from relevant individuals and organisations I knew from the UK, the US, and Canada, discussing and obtaining information on local immigration policies and political asylum assessment conditions. After considering the situation of these three countries, and given that more protesters I knew had been granted asylum in the UK, coupled with its recent clearer stance on China, we unanimously agreed that entering the UK through the political asylum process was the safest and most appropriate path.
Therefore, I hurriedly purchased a flight ticket to the UK before the deadline for returning to Hong Kong, and arrived in the UK on the evening of 27th December (UK time). This also means that in the foreseeable future, it is impossible for me to return to my home Hong Kong. Although I had anticipated this day in the past, at the moment that I made up my mind, my heart still sank. Since I dedicated my life to social movements at 14, I have always believed that Hong Kong is the only home of our nation, we shouldn't be the ones leaving.
In the days ahead, I will continue my studies, hoping to contribute everything I can as a Hong Kong exile, as I have always been, to the best of my ability. I believe that only with the collective efforts of the Hong Kong people can Hong Kong once again become a home that we can be proud of. I believe that as long as the Hong Kong people never give up, the seeds of freedom and democracy will sprout alive again. There will be a day in the future where we will meet under LegCo in Hong Kong.
久別三年多，終於能夠親自發表自己的近況了。在發佈此文此文之際，我已安全抵達英國，並正式向入境人員申請政治庇護。
今年六月五日，我已正式從大欖懲教所刑滿獲釋，在牆外重獲自由，但一切卻只是要承受嚴密監控的開端。在預定䆁放日期前一個星期，我依然每天都在擔心國安人員會否以公務探訪名義，前來告知將會加控我什麼罪行。
最終他們如我預期出現了向我警告，以及質問我會否繼續「分裂國家」，並提醒我在未來一年內不要離境，並預告將會在我出獄後持續約見。
懲教處的保安組、更生事務組以及監督亦早在刑滿一個月前開始，多次強烈要求我不要對外公布䆁放日期，因此在六月五日當天，也只有少量人知悉我重獲自由的消息。
基於我判刑時未滿21歲，出獄後必須遵守懲教處監管令一年，一開始我的監管內容與一般人無異，必須就學或就業。獲䆁時剛好臨近暑假，所以我在暑假時覓得一份暑期工，卻在不久後被懲教處高層告知不容許我受僱於「特定店舖」（監管令條文並沒禁止），於是在暑假的最後一個月，我也只能夠無奈等待開學。他們的要求變相剝奪了我的財政自主權，並為國安處後來的金錢利誘舖墊。
其後我接到懲教電話，表示高層決定更改監管內容，需要與更生事務組更高級的職員會面。我被勒令簽署修訂版監管令，增加（一）禁止發佈任何我被定罪罪行相關內容的發佈物，包括公開發言和訪問、（二）禁止發佈任何「客觀而合理地被視作危害國家安全」的發佈物，以及（三）禁止公開發言。
國安人員從六月份開始，每隔兩至四星期便會要求見面，我從來沒有選擇的餘地，每次都被約到隨機地點，命令我登上拉上窗簾的七人車，然後把我載到未知的地方。每次約見他們都會要求我交代過去數週的行蹤，查問我與什麼人見面，即使是小學同學也要我交出中文全名，甚至連到過什麼食肆酒吧、過程中的交談內容也要詳盡告知。到我九月開學後，他們要求我將學生證交給他們拍攝，申請學生資助也需要向他們通知，並需要交出銀行戶口資料。若然不滿足他們的要求，便換來一輪訓話，告誡我他們已掌握我的所有行蹤，着我向他們坦白，實情要勒索我繼續就範。
在缺乏任何工作收入的這半年間，國安人員不斷威逼利誘我投向他們。以我猜測，他們透過我在銀行戶口的資料，得悉我的經濟狀況不佳，因此向我提出給予線人費，要求我提供他人的資料，並以此證明我已經改過自新，樂意投誠。
在九月初一個例行約談中，兩位國安人員向我提出到中國大陸「旅遊」，當時我極度警惕，擔心會被送中，但在過去的三個月，我根本無法拒絕他們任何事情，所以我只能迴避的反問他們：「我不可能申請到回鄉證吧？」他說只要我想的話他們便可以安排到，並會派人陪同我一同北上。我沉默不言，他們見狀問我有什麼需要考慮，我唯有如實告訴他們，我不想。他們遂質問我是否仍然有從事危害國家安全的活動所以遲疑，隨後他們要求我在下次見面時向他們給予回覆。幸好直至我離開香港前，他們都未有再次提出，但我心知這種要求在未來也只會接腫而來。
從十月起至今，我時不時便會無故生病，期間曾向西醫中醫求診，均診斷我是由於極大的精神壓力及心理因素，導致免疫力下降，並建議我長遠下去需尋求心理輔導。
2020年7月29日，我在元朗街頭突然被接近十名國安人員從後撲出制服我，並搶走我的電話。自刑滿獲釋以來，我每日都恐懼同樣的往事會否再次重演，我害怕走出家門，害怕在街上使用電話，擔心會再次在街上被國安人員拘捕。每次被國安人員約見，我都充滿恐懼，懼怕他們會說我危害國安，要求我自證清白。有時他們偶爾的斷聯，會令我更擔心他們是否已打算重新拘捕檢椌，故沒有再需要與我約談的必要。
但基於他們要求我簽署有關《國安法》第63條的文件當中，禁止我向任何人透露與他們的一切溝通內容，所以我亦根本無法尋求律師協助，亦不能向任何人透露我的困境。在如此龐大的壓力及恐懼下，我只能默默承受。
我曾幻想過國安人員會否信守承諾，在一年後的六月還我出入境的自由，不再干擾我的生活，但我心裡明暸這些都是虛假的承諾，他們更有可能打算拖延我至明年基本法23條立法後，繼續向我施加額外的罪名。經心思熟慮後，以調適情緒為由，說服懲教批准在聖誕期間離境旅遊。我選擇了符合經濟狀況且政治敏感度較低的沖繩為目的地，在起行數天前向他們提交機票住宿等資料，並成功獲懲教署批核。
在離開的最後一天，我仍深思這個決定是否適當，畢竟這個月在香港發生了很多事，但懲教罕有的批核，令我始終相信這已是最好的時機。當日我帶著僅餘的四萬港元前往香港機場，直至起飛前一秒，我都一直在擔心能否安全離境。到飛機起飛剎那，我才稍鬆一口氣。
但始終因行程及住宿細節已報備當局，我也未敢怠慢。在沖繩的幾天，我與英美加三地認識的相關人士及機構求助並共同商討，他們向我講述了當地的移民政策及政庇審核狀況，並提供有關英國庇護及簽證的法律建議。在得悉三地的資訊後，考慮到英國有更多我認識的抗爭者已獲批庇護，並且近日在對中國的立場上變得明確，我們最終一致認同循英國的政治庇護程序入境為最保險及適當的途徑。
於是當下我便趕在理應回港的限期前買了往英國的機票，並在當地時間12月27日晚上7時到達英國。這也意味着在可預見的將來，我也不可能再次回到香港這個家，縱然過去曾有預想過這天的到來，但在下定決心的當刻，我的心情還是一副沉重。自十四歲投身社會運動以來，我一直相信香港是我們香港民族唯一的家園，要走的從不應是我們。
在未來的日子，我將會繼續完成我的學業，望以流亡港人的身份為香港奉獻我的一切，如初地在力所能及的範圍內嘗試。我相信只有全體香港民族持續竭力，香 my港才會重新成為那個值得我們驕傲的家。我相信只有香港民族永不放棄，自由民主的種子終有一天能夠重新發芽，在未來的某一天，我們終會在煲底再聚。
鍾翰林
寫於往英國航班途中
2023年12月27日
After three years of absence in the public eye, I am finally able to share my experience personally. As I publish this statement, I have safely arrived in the United Kingdom and have formally applied for political asylum upon entry.
On 5th June this year, I was officially released from Tai Lam Correctional Institution after completing my sentence, regaining freedom outside the walls. However, this marks only the beginning of stringent surveillance. A week before the scheduled release, I lived with the constant worry that the National Security police might visit in the name of an official visit, informing me of additional charges.
Ultimately, as anticipated, they appeared to caution me and inquire whether I would continue to participate in events related to secession. They reminded me not to leave the country in the coming year and indicated regular meetings with them would take place after my release. A month before my planned release date, the Security Unit and Rehabilitation Unit of the Correctional Services Department (CSD) and the supervisors had already requested that I refrain from publicly disclosing the date of my release. Consequently, on the 5th June, only a handful of individuals were informed of my release.
As I was sentenced before turning 21, I am obligated to adhere to the CSD Supervision Services for one year post-release. Initially, the terms of my supervision were no different from those imposed on an average person: requiring me to pursue education or employment. As my release from jail was close to summer, I secured a temporary summer job during this period. However, shortly thereafter, the higher-ups at the CSD informed me that I was not allowed to be employed in "specific businesses", though such restriction was not stipulated in the Supervision Services terms. Consequently, in the last month of the summer holiday, I had no choice but to wait for the school year to commence. Their demands effectively stripped me of financial autonomy, paving the way for the financial inducements later offered by the National Security Department of the Hong Kong Police Force.
Then, I received a call from the CSD, notifying me of a decision to alter the terms under my Supervision Services, and that I needed to meet with the more senior staff from the Rehabilitation Unit. I was compelled to sign a revised Supervision order that has added the following terms: (1) prohibition on publishing any content related to my convicted offences, including through public statements and interviews; (2) a ban on disseminating any content deemed "objectively and reasonably considered as endangering national security"; and (3) prohibition on public speaking.
Starting from June, the national security police officers began requesting meetings every two to four weeks, leaving me with no option but to comply. Each meeting involved meeting at random locations, being ordered to board a seven-seater vehicle with closed curtains, and transported to unknown destinations. During these meetings, I was interrogated about my activities in the preceding weeks, asked about individuals I had met, required to provide full Chinese names even for primary school classmates, and detailed information about visits to restaurants or bars, along with the content of conversations.
Upon resuming my studies in September, they demanded to take a photo of my student ID, insisted on being notified of any applications for student financial aid, and required disclosure of bank account information. If I did not meet their demands, they would give me a round of lectures, warning me that they had already got hold of all my whereabouts, and wanted me to confess to them – a way to blackmail me into complying with their orders.
In the past six months with no income from any work, the national security police officers kept on coercing and inducing me to join them. My speculation is that they have learnt about my financial struggles through my bank account information, so they proposed providing informant fees, urging me to supply information about others as proof of my reformation and willingness to cooperate.
In a regular meeting with the National Security Department in early September, two national security police officers suggested a trip to Mainland China. I was very alert immediately, fearing extradition to China. Yet, over the past three months, I understand that I could not reject anything they proposed – so I avoided a direct response and asked instead, "It would not be possible for me to apply for a Home Return Permit (Mainland Travel Permit for Hong Kong and Macao Residents), right?" they assured me it could be arranged as long as I wished, with an accompanying party for the journey north. As I remained silent, they questioned what considerations I had, to which I truthfully responded that I did not want to go. They then inquired the reason for my hesitation was that I was still engaging in activities harmful to national security. Subsequently, they demanded a response at our next meeting. Fortunately, until my departure from Hong Kong, they did not bring up this request again. Yet, I am aware that such demands may resurface in the future.
From October onwards until the present day, I have intermittently fallen ill. During this period, I sought medical consultations from both Western and Chinese doctors, all of whom diagnosed my condition as a result of significant mental stress and psychological factors, leading to a weakened immune system. They recommended that I seek psychological counselling in the long run.
On July 29, 2020, I was suddenly approached by around 10 national security police officers in Yuen Long, who subdued me from behind and confiscated my phone. Since my release from imprisonment, I have lived in daily fear of a recurrence of similar incidents. I feared stepping out of my home, feared using the phone in public, and worried about the possibility of being detained again by national security police officers on the streets. Every meeting with the national security police officers filled me with dread, fearing that they may accuse me of endangering national security and would demand me to prove my innocence. Occasionally, their intermittent communication blackouts exacerbate my concerns, making me worry whether they are planning to arrest me again with new charges, hence eliminating the necessity for further meetings.
However, as they demanded me to sign a document related to Article 63 of the National Security Law, prohibiting me from disclosing any content of communication between us to anyone, I am neither able to seek legal assistance nor disclose my predicament to anyone. Under such immense pressure and fear, I can only silently endure.
I once fantasised that the national security police might uphold their promises and grant me the freedom to enter and exit Hong Kong in June 2024, ceasing interference in my life -- but I understand deep inside my heart that these are fake promises, and they are more likely to delay any resolution until after the enactment of Article 23 of the Basic Law next year, continuing to impose additional charges on me. After careful consideration, I persuaded the Correctional Services Department to allow me to leave the country for Christmas travel on the grounds of emotional adjustment. I chose Okinawa as the destination, considering the location is less politically sensitive and that it suited my financial situation. Days before the trip, I submitted my flight and accommodation details to them, successfully obtaining the approval from CSD.
On the day before my departure, I pondered deeply on whether this decision was appropriate, given a lot has happened in Hong Kong this month. However, the rare approval from the CSD convinced me that this was the best moment to leave. On that day, I departed for Hong Kong airport with only HKD 40,000, worrying until the last second before takeoff about whether I could safely leave. It was only at the moment of the plane's departure that I breathed a sigh of relief.
However, as the itinerary and accommodation details were reported to the authorities, I did not dare to be complacent. During my stay in Okinawa, I sought assistance from relevant individuals and organisations I knew from the UK, the US, and Canada, discussing and obtaining information on local immigration policies and political asylum assessment conditions. After considering the situation of these three countries, and given that more protesters I knew had been granted asylum in the UK, coupled with its recent clearer stance on China, we unanimously agreed that entering the UK through the political asylum process was the safest and most appropriate path.
Therefore, I hurriedly purchased a flight ticket to the UK before the deadline for returning to Hong Kong, and arrived in the UK on the evening of 27th December (UK time). This also means that in the foreseeable future, it is impossible for me to return to my home Hong Kong. Although I had anticipated this day in the past, at the moment that I made up my mind, my heart still sank. Since I dedicated my life to social movements at 14, I have always believed that Hong Kong is the only home of our nation, we shouldn't be the ones leaving.
In the days ahead, I will continue my studies, hoping to contribute everything I can as a Hong Kong exile, as I have always been, to the best of my ability. I believe that only with the collective efforts of the Hong Kong people can Hong Kong once again become a home that we can be proud of. I believe that as long as the Hong Kong people never give up, the seeds of freedom and democracy will sprout alive again. There will be a day in the future where we will meet under LegCo in Hong Kong.